Deklaracja Międzynarodowych Komunistów z Buchenwaldu — 1945 r. (Archiwum Historyczne)

W tym roku mija 80. rocznica napaści nazistowskich Niemiec na Polskę, czyli wybuchu wojny światowej. Konflikt ten, toczony w Europie, Azji, Afryce Północnej i na wyspach Pacyfiku był chyba najbardziej dramatycznym w ludzkiej historii, obracając w gruzy miasta i odbierając życie 60 milionom ludzi.

Komentatorzy burżuazyjni, a wraz z nimi większość lewicy będzie przedstawiać fałszywie ten konflikt jako wojnę „demokracji z faszyzmem”. W rzeczywistości II wojną światową kierowały te same impulsy ekonomiczne co I: walka między imperialistycznymi mocarstwami o podział świata. Zachodnie „demokracje”  same uciskały brutalnie kolonie a Hitlera zaś tolerowały i „ugłaskiwały” dopóki ten spełniał swoje zadanie zniszczenia niemieckiego ruchu robotniczego i dopóki oczekiwano, że najpierw ruszy na antykomunistyczną krucjatę przeciw ZSRR, w czym miałby ich wsparcie. Faszyzująca dyktatura sanacyjna w Polsce też starała się z nim utrzymywać przyjazne stosunki, a w 1938 r. razem z Niemcami uczestniczyła w rozbiorze Czechosłowacji.

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Fourth International Theses on Ireland (1944)

Copied from http://www.workersrepublic.org/Pages/Ireland/Trotskyism/thesesonireland1.html

Vested Interests and the Border
Britain, far from deriving super-profits out of her occupation of the six North-Eastern counties of Ireland, suffers a considerable financial loss; for, while it is true that there are British businesmen with Interests In Ulster, it is also certain that these interests would be completely compensated, and a residue retained, if the British exchequer were to withdraw its subsidies towards the upkeep of the swollen Orange bureaucracy and the maintenance of social services in Ulster at the British level. Even in wartime Ulster is a depressed area. Despite the 40,000 skilled workers driven to find work in British war Industries there are still 25,000 officially unemployed out of a total population of a million and a quarter. Peacetime unemployment is considerably higher than in any other part of the United Kingdom. Several million pounds sterling are mulcted annually from the English taxpayer for the upkeep of the Orange puppet statelet.

The fact is, however, that British overhead expenses in Ulster fall into precisely the same category as do grants to the armed forces, or the police – even when these expenses take the form not of direct outlays on behalf of the colossal Ulster police force, and other sections of the state, but of maintenance of social services and the provision of orders to Ulster Industry during the ‘normal’ depression periods. Britain maintains its garrison in Ulster, not primarily as a means of coercing the Irish people, but to counteract the possibility of a rival imperialism establishing a military bridgehead in the British isles. The occupation engenders sentiments of revolt, however, and necessitates the preservation of ‘order’, i.e., the coercion of the nationalist population…

The Orange bosses and bureaucrats, for their part, need to have their fingers directly dipped in England’s economic pie. That is why they are given representation in the Westminster Parliament. At a time when great monopolies largely derive their super-profits by a barely -concealed plundering of the Exchequer, and when worthwhile orders come only to those directly in the swim it, is a life and death question for Ulster capitalists to maintain a direct connection with the British state. That is why all De Valera’s promises of virtual autonomy for the North within a united Ireland, if only Stormont would agree to sever its direct connection with Britain, have gone unheeded. Without State representation at Westminster their industries would die, for out of sight is out of mind. If Britain sacrificed them in a deal with De Valera they would look for a new imperialist paymaster. Orange ‘loyalty’ has its world market price.

Éire and the Border
As her neutrality in the war underscores. Éire is de facto a sovereign Irish Republic, notwithstanding the slim pretence of British Dominion status kept up by Westminster. British Liberalism bought out the absentee landlord class (with the Irish peasants’ own money to be sure!) to stave off a revolutionary seizure of the land. The Easter Week rising and the Anglo-Irish war brought an end to the foreign occupation of the South. Under the De Valera regime fiscal autonomy has enabled a host of petty manufacturing industries to struggle into being. Saddled with exorbitant interest rates on capital borrowed from British investors, and dependent on British monopolies for all primary materials, costs have been excessively high; and the dwindling, impoverished population cannot provide a market sufficient to absorb at a profitable level the ‘output of labour-saving machinery in use elsewhere. Already the pathetic ‘industrialization’ period, begun only a few years ago, is at a close.

A chronic unfavourable balance of trade, rapidly dwindling foreign assets, a falling birthrate, mass unemployment and wholesale immigration to England revealed that the incurable maladies of world capitalist economy were eating at the vitals of the new sovereign statelet of Éire. The Second World War has only accentuated this disintegration. Today there are a hundred thousand unemployed within the 26 counties of Éire; while scores of thousands of others have been forced by unemployment into British war industries or the British armed forces. The export of men, sending home part of the proceeds of their earnings, has come to rival the agricultural export industry in importance.

Irish bourgeois nationalism had already exhausted its mission as a vehicle for the development of the productive forces before any real development took place. International socialism alone can ensure a fresh upswing in production for Ireland; and it is precisely for this reason that the one uncompleted task of the bourgeois revolution, national unification, can only be solved by the proletarian revolution. The inclusion of the six Ulster counties within the framework of the national state would only hasten the decline of the already stagnant heavy industries in the North without furthering the development of Southern industry to any appreciable degree. National unification under the capitalist system, by plunging the hostile Protestant proletariat of the northern industries into permanent unemployment, would either lead straight to the victory of the social revolution or to fascism. There could be no middle way…

At times in the recent past the nationalist fervour of the common people of Ireland must have seemed dim, or dead, not only to the casual observer but to the workers themselves. But it only lay dormant, ready to blaze into life again. For the famous patriotism of the Irish people is something more than a traditional hangover, or a state of mind induced by bourgeois propaganda. It is an emotion of revolt, engendered by centuries of national degradation, kept alive by the knowledge that yesterday’s powerful imperialist oppressor still occupies part of the national territory and may yet lay a claim to the South of Ireland.

When Tod Williams was hanged by the Stormont regime last year, flags were flown at half mast throughout Éire, the shops of the main Dublin thoroughfares closed as a mark of respect and protest rallies, organised by the Reprieve Committee, were held throughout the country. The threat of conscription in Ulster in 1941 created a crisis in Éire overnight and a wave of anti-British sentiment swept over the Southern workers. The workers’ patriotism is their pride in their age-old fight against imperialism. This is an ennobling sentiment, notwithstanding the poisonous bourgeois chauvinism mixed into it by the capitalist politicians and their reformist and Stalinist hangers-on who at all times seek to manipulate the freedom-loving aspirations of the workers for their own reactionary ends.

The rich ranchers and rentiers are pro-British. The small farmers and the basic section of the bourgeoisie which is interested in production and trade for the domestic market look to England with strong forebodings. Britain is still a bourgeois democracy and it is not so easy just yet to get down to seizing the Éire ports; for, besides the huge numbers of Irish in British industries and the army, the English workers in uniform would not go willingly into an aggression against the ‘almost English’ people of Éire.

Catholic Church’s Mass Basis
If Ireland has hitherto proved to be the most impregnable of all the Vatican’s citadels, this is not due to accident. During centuries of national degradation the social classes were mixed into a common Catholic cement by the British, who persecuted the native Irish ostensibly on account of their Catholicism… Sentiment against the foreign imperialists was always uppermost and the masses encased themselves in the rituals and doctrines of the mother Church as in a suit of armour in lieu of more material means of defence. Catholic fanaticism the more easily became synonymous with the spirit of outraged nationality because, unlike in the other countries, the Irish priesthood never directly functioned as an exploiter.

For 700 years Ireland was a colony. Against this, for barely two decades an uncertain independence has lasted for the South; and, during this time, the fledgling Éire statelet has been sedulously inculcating a psychology of national exclusiveness among the masses by fostering all those ideological distinctions and cultural pursuits which set the Irish apart from the neighbouring English nationality. It is well to remember in this connection that in its long-drawn-out trade war with Britain the Fianna Fáil Government received the backing not only of the bourgeois and peasant interests involved, but also of the majority of the workers. So long as imperialism remains intact in the North and a serious threat to the South, and until the workers find a revolutionary socialist leadership, we will have to reckon with the power and prestige of the priesthood…

On the surface the Catholic church looks unassailable. Yet its coming eclipse can be discerned precisely where the appearance of strength seems greatest. A picture of Christ on the Cross pinned to a Falls Road window is a demonstration against the imperialist status quo, but the Church cannot lead the change. The republican workers will throw away their icons as soon as the ideals of socialist internationalism begin to take shape among them.

To expose the treacherous role of the allegedly neutral Christian ideology is an essential part of the struggle to develop a revolutionary consciousness among the workers…

The cowardly Éire Labour Party, on the other hand, has consistently pursued a shameful policy of appeasement towards the Catholic Church, even going so far as to claim that its programme is in conformity with the Pope’s Charter of Labour.

The Church will be a colossal weight on the side of counter-revolution. It is one of the main propaganda tasks of our movement to explain this to the workers. Every insolent interference with the affairs of the labour movement must be combated. In particular the role of the Vatican in the present European situation must be mercilessly exposed. It would be treason to socialism to keep silent on grounds of expediency.

In every important strike the bourgeois press is forced to drop its spurious neutrality. So likewise, in the hundred-and-one minor sorties leading up to the decisive revolutionary struggle, hunger marches, strikes, during every spate of which the bourgeoisie and its henchmen will take panic and cry ‘wolf’, the role of the clergy will become more and more obvious…

It is reformism, holding out no hope of escape from the drab routine of poverty, that turns the backward masses over to conservatism and clericalism and in a crisis makes them storm troopers of the reaction. Notwithstanding its tirades against the Stalinist bureaucracy, to which it attributes the original sin of the Bolshevik Revolution, it is precisely thanks to the opportunist politics of Stalin that the Papacy is still a world power despite its notorious role in Spain and elsewhere.

However, the era of Stalinism and reformism is drawing to a close. The great class struggles impending throughout the world will find an echo in the remotest corners of rural Ireland. Certainly reactionary clericalism will still retain a formidable following but the majority will be won for the revolution.

The Nationalist Workers
At present the living standards of even the Southern workers depend in the last resort upon the British Empire. It is the Colonial Empire which bolsters up profits, salaries and wages in England, thus permitting the absorption at a relatively high price level of Éire’s agricultural export, on which the remainder of the economic structure rests. Freedom of access to the British market and state independence especially in regard to fiscal policy are the twin needs of the Éire bourgeoisie and, so long as they cannot surmount capitalism, also of the workers. The Northern nationalist workers, on the other handy are as economically dependent upon direct incorporation into the United Kingdom as are the Protestant workers. In the days of sufficient peasant tillage the Catholic masses had an economic stake in fighting for an Ireland freed from the British grip on the land. Today, however, when all trades and occupations draw their life blood from the heavy industries which only survive by virtue of Ulster’s political unity with Britain, a bourgeois united Ireland could only bring pauperisation to its most ardent partisans – the Northern nationalist workers.

The Tory regime at Stormont is the oldest in Europe – preceding Mussolini’s assumption of power it has outlasted the Roman Duce. The main props of its rule are: (a) its mass following amongst the Protestants based on Britain’s financial bribes and the spectre of republicanism; (b) constituency gerrymandering; (c) the Civil Authority (Special Powers) Acts which give almost unlimited power to the colossal army of the police.

Ireland was partitioned by the British in such a way as to assure the Tory Unionist Party of a fool-proof majority over its nationalist opponents. Stormont in its turn gerrymandered the six county, electoral seats so effectively that the nationalist voters can only obtain a mere fraction of the representation to which their numbers entitle them. In consequence abstention from the vote has become a tradition in many Republican areas, so much so that a Unionist can get into Stormont by mustering the merest handful of Protestant votes.

Only a few of the far-reaching powers vested in the Civil Authority can be listed here:
(a) By police proclamation publications may be banned, meetings and demonstrations forbidden and a state of curfew imposed.
(b) The police hold the right to enter and search premises without a warrant and to confiscate or destroy property.
(c) Arrest and interment may be ordered on suspicion.,
(d) Habeas corpus is suspended and internees and their relatives may be prevented from seeing or communicating with one another.
(e) One of the most sinister clauses relates to the right of the Civil Authority to withhold the right of inquest.

A jailed or interned Republican is automatically disqualified from obtaining his family allowances under the Unemployment Insurance Acts on the grounds that he is not available for work. A former political prisoner or Republican suspect finds it extremely difficult to keep employment owing to the police practice of warning employers against them. An isolated incident may kindle with unexpected suddenness into a crisis during the course of which hundreds of suspects are rounded up and scores of families deprived of a breadwinner, are menaced by the spectres of hunger and debt. This explains why the barometer of parliamentary contests registers such startling overnight changes.

At the last Labour Party Conference it was resolved that the Party should take the initiative in inaugurating a Northern Ireland Council for Civil Liberties. This is a welcome development from the days of Midgley. The Trotskyist movement has conducted a long campaign for the setting up of such a council to combat the injustices meted out under the Special Powers Acts. Militants in the labour Party, and the workers generally, must see to it that this decision is really implemented by the building of a genuine Civil Liberties Council supported by and representative of every section of the labour movement. Militants in the Éire labour movement must demand similar measures.

By bringing into the clear light of day the full, unimpeachable facts on every case of arbitrary search, arrest and intimidation; by demanding full facilities for inquiry into every case of alleged police intimidation and brutality; by spreading information regarding the unsanitary overcrowded conditions under which political prisoners live; by opposing the farce of the police-influenced Internees’ Appeals Tribunal; and, in short, by making a public display of samples of the British ‘democracy’ being meted out to hundreds of Ulster citizens, a Civil Liberties Council has a revolutionary role to perform. It can hasten the downfall of the regime. It can set on fire the conscience of the whole community, shaming and shocking even the Protestant petty bourgeoisie into protest.

The fight for civil liberties is an integral and immensely important aspect of the class struggle. It is instructive, therefore, to perceive from this angle how low the Stalinist renegades have sunk in their clownish eagerness to act as sycophants to Tory Unionism. Stalinist policy, as is well known, is to give undivided attention to ‘democracy’s’ battle against Hitler. However, the tyranny endured by the Ulster minority is too near at hand and affects too large a number of workers to be passed over in silence. At their recent Congress, therefore, the Stalinists passed a resolution ‘demanding’ an end to (religious) sectarian discrimination in the hiring of labour and ‘insisting’ on various other laudable changes in the direction of greater justice for the Catholic workers. However, this was a resolution for the record only. Civil liberties cannot be wrested from the vested interests without the maximum effort of a united proletariat, but complete and unconditional independence from the Orange capitalist state is the prerequisite for proletarian unity. The Stalinists, however, are the most steadfast and unswerving. supporters of the Orange Tory Cabinet.

Actually, the Stalinist party is completely opposed to the extension of civil liberties. Its recipe for ending discrimination against the Catholic workers clearly amounts to this: “Put the Protestant workers in the same boat: abolish civil liberties for them also!” This can clearly be seen from the March 13th, 1943 issue of their paper ‘Unity’. In the front page editorial, while whole-heartedly professing agreement on the need for special powers, they permitted themselves to indulge in a light criticism of the sectarian character of the Civil Authority (Special Powers) Acts, and – without forthrightly demanding the abolition of these acts – suggested that the British Emergency Powers Act would be a ‘fairer’ weapon in the hands of the government. This is equivalent to a demand to abolish hanging in favour of electrocution.

The Communist Party of Ireland
Protestant-Republican working class unity can be forged only on the anvil of the class war. National independence will be won either as a by-product of the Irish and British revolutionary struggles or not at- all. Finally, only the victory of socialism on a world scale will end national oppression forever. The Trotskyist movement alone fights under the banner of international socialism and therefore, alone of all parties and tendencies represents the true national interests of the Irish people. It alone is implacable in its hostility alike to imperialism and to all forms of capitalist rule; and alone is the enemy of every manifestation of bourgeois ideology within the ranks of the working class. On the other hand, the Communist Party of Ireland – Irish, as it is Communist in name only – confuses, disorients and increases the disunity of the working class. The Stalinist Party is never permitted to absolve itself from a sense of responsibility towards the capitalist system. This follows from its role as a satellite of the Kremlin bureaucracy.

The Kremlin bureaucracy is fully aware that the social stability of the capitalist countries is a prerequisite for its own plunderous role over the Soviet working masses. World revolution constitutes an even greater threat to its vested interests than world imperialism; for while it is possible to hope that the antagonisms dividing the great powers will always drive one of the camps of imperialist predators into seeking an understanding with the Kremlin no hope whatever can be entertained of the revolutionaries making their peace with bureaucratic tyranny. A revolution in any one of the advanced countries would act as an inspiration and a signal to the Soviet masses to break asunder the chains of Stalinism. Thus, under the totalitarian Stalinist regime, the Soviet Union is as deeply involved as any of the capitalist countries in the jugglery of power politics.

It follows, therefore, that either the Stalin regime will be in the camp of British imperialism or working in collaboration with its (Britain’s) imperialist enemies; and that the Communist Party of Ireland will be committed either to supporting the British ruling class or to demagogically opposing them. However, opposition to British imperialism does not mean for the Stalinist Party support for an independent proletarian struggle for national and social freedom. It simply means that an alliance with the Orange dictatorship on the essentials of the Tory programme, is replaced by an attempted alliance with the bourgeois nationalist organisations their programme. One form of ‘national united front’ takes the place of another. That is all.

The social set-up in Northern Ireland undoubtedly offers the Stalinists admirable scope for the creation on paper of national fronts to suit all purposes. In reality of course either form of the so-called national front is of an equally fictitious nature. This is not to imply that the fiction is without its effects; but these are wholly on the side of sectarian disunity. What happens is this: each fresh turnabout of the Stalinists not only leaves the caste bigotry of the workers unchanged, but actually leads to a strengthening of the bonds of ideology uniting them to the bourgeois politicians belonging to their own particular side of the community. For instance, during the period of the Stalin-Hitler pact the Communist Party’s flirtation with the nationalist organisations had the double consequence of sustaining the worst illusions of the Republican proletariat and, at the same time, hopelessly alienating the Protestant workers. Among the Protestants the Stalinist Party has registered formidable gains over the past two years, Membership has probably increased seven or eight-fold. These new recruits consist mainly of worker and petty-bourgeois elements completely new to politics; drawn towards the ‘left’ out of admiration for the Red Army but, most of them, unemancipated from the old jingoistic mentality. On the other hand the strike breaking role of the Stalinist Party has alienated most of the experienced industrial militants among the Protestants.

In Éire, following upon Hitler’s invasion of the Soviet Union, the Communist Party, afraid to proclaim openly the new policy foisted upon it by the Kremlin – the ending of Éire neutrality – quietly dissolved itself into the Labour Party. Hitherto, despite its imposing record of treachery, Stalinism has always brazenly tried to justify itself in the eyes of the workers. In this single episode is contained the whole preceding twenty years of Stalinist degeneration; its political bankruptcy and its moral spinelessness. The greatness of Bolshevism consisted not merely in its capacity to withstand the material blows of reaction but even more to swim against the current of popular feeling. Stalinism gives a few short grunts and then sinks to the bottom.

Nationalism and Socialism
The fundamental tasks of nationalism awaiting the solution of the approaching revolution are: (1) the healing of the sectarian breach; (2) the winning of national independence from British imperialism; and (3) the ending of partition. These form an inseparable trinity. None are realisable as isolated aims in themselves, or possible of attainment except by means of the socialist revolution. Conversely, the socialist movement can turn its back on the problems of nationalism only at the price of prostration before capitalism; for a proletariat divided within itself cannot seize power. National tasks and social tasks are thus inextricably woven together.

The national question IS a social question and, moreover, one of the largest magnitude. Hitherto, the prevailing tendency has been to regard the intrusion of Orange and Nationalist banners into the arena of the class struggle as a complication of an exclusively detrimental nature to the labour movement; as a plague of ideologies, in fact. Most certainly this judgment holds true under all circumstances so far as Orangeism is concerned. On the other hand, the unsolved national question – which is not at all a religious sectarian issue from the standpoint of the nationalist workers – is not necessarily a brake upon the class struggle but, under favourable circumstances, can act as a dynamo upon it, causing violent accelerations of tempo.

Finally, the best Irish nationalists will always be Trotskyists; for Trotskyism’s conceptions of international solidarity and socialist co-operation alone correspond to the national needs of the Irish people. An isolated proletarian dictatorship, even assuming it were not militarily overthrown, could not in the long run prevent a resurgence of sectarian disunity; for ideology cannot take the place of bread indefinitely. With the prolongation of hunger and poverty the wheels of the revolution would begin to revolve backwards. It is only within a system of world socialist economy that the unity of the Irish people will become indestructible for all time.

Labor and the Imperial State
Within limits the class struggle in Northern Ireland has its own internal rhythm of development, which may lag behind or race ahead of the British. However, in the last analysis, the balance of political power existing between the workers and capitalists of Britain exercises a decisive influence in determining the nature of the regime.

A fascist dictatorship in England would inevitably produce its Ulster equivalent . . . Similarly, a triumphant socialist revolution in Britain would be followed in quick succession – if not automatically – by the assumption of state power by the Irish proletariat.

A reformist Labor Government at Stormont would be unable to maintain itself for long in the face of an entrenched Tory regirne at Westminster; for if, despite its minority position in Parliament, the Tory Party in past years proved sufficiently powerful in the work of sabotage, and resourceful enough in the invention of calumnies, to bring about the untimely downfall of two MacDonald Labor regimes; and if at a later stage, operating through the machinery of the Federation of British Industries, they conspired to close the New Zealand Government’s channels of trade-notwithstanding New Zealand’s relative independence of Britain as compared to Ulster, it may be accepted without discussion that the British Tory Government would move into action against a Stormont Labor regime with ruthlessness, effrontery and ruinous effect.

The choice confronting the unfortunate labor ministers would be reduced to one of running a risk of provoking a state overturn by the workers should they postpone the introduction of radical social changes or, alternatively, of being crushed in the vise of an economic boycott imposed by the Imperial State should they prove themselves lax in the defense of property rights and the maintenance of order. Caught in the midst of a withering cross-fire from three directions – from the workers, the Republicans and the Imperialists – the Labor regime would inevitably succumb to mortal wounds. However, during its brief tenure of office the commands of the imperial dispenser of gold and food would be hearkened to like the voice of God. The labor reformists could not implement to the full the dictates of their imperialist overlords without, in doing so, eternally disgracing themselves in the eyes of the nationalist population and the working class in general. They would equivocate and temporize, squirming round in a vicious circle of half measures. Confronted with the imperative necessity of taking sides on an issue, certainly the labor lackeys would always choose the bourgeois state. But they would take sides weakly. Therefore, imperialism would not be tempted gratefully to forbear from wrecking their regime; for it would feel the pressing need of restoring a strong, authoritarian government in Ulster. British ‘good-will’ is not a free commodity on the market. Its price to Ulster is the maintenance of sufficient internal calm to ensure a peaceful occupation . . .

Historical Note
The Revolutionary Socialist Party, Irish section of the Fourth International was officially recognised on 20 July 1944 and this document was accepted by the European Secretariat of the International.

„Antynazistowskie powstanie robotnicze w getcie warszawskim”

„Antynazistowskie powstanie robotnicze w getcie warszawskim”

(Art Preis dla „The Militant”, organu trockistowskiej amerykańskiej Socjalistycznej Partii Robotniczej, 6 maja 1944)

Bitwa w getcie warszawskim, która zaczęła się 19 kwietnia 1943 i trwała przez 42 dni, przejdzie do historii jako pierwszy wielki rewolucyjny akt masowego oporu klasy robotniczej wobec nazistowskich ciemiężycieli i katów okupowanej Europy.

Pośród mrocznych alejek i kruszących się ścian ich rojącego się od szczurów, nękanych chorobami więzieniem getta, 40 000 mężczyzn, kobiet i dzieci, proletariackich pozostałości żydowskiej ludności Warszawy w Polsce, poszło na śmierć walcząc z bronią w ręku przeciwko zmasowanym, wyszkolonym legionom Hitlera.

Z uzbrojeniem wystarczającym jedynie na 3 000 bojowników, wygłodzeni i obszarpani robotnicy żydowscy, które byli zorganizowani i kierowani przez podziemny ruch robotniczy i socjalistyczny, przez sześć tygodni wytrzymali z rewolwerami, karabinami, kilkoma karabinami maszynowymi, bombami domowej roboty, nożami, pałkami i kamieniami przeciwko tysiącom wyszkolonych żołnierzy posługujących się ciężką artylerią, czołgami, miotaczami ognia i bombami lotniczymi.

Bitwa skończyła się dopiero gdy naziści wysadzili w powietrze i puścili z dymem każdą norę i kamienicę na całym obszarze, i gdy każdy z żydowskich bojowników padł trupem pod popiołem i gruzami które znaczyły miejsce, gdzie niegdyś mieszkało 400 000 Żydów.

Trzy fakty

Dopiero w ostatnich tygodniach niektóre ze szczegółów bitwy o getto warszawskie zostały wyjawione poza prasą robotniczą i socjalistyczną. Ale ze wciąż skąpych informacji jakie są teraz dostępne, wyróżniają się trzy wydatne fakty. Żydowscy bojownicy getta warszawskiego byli w przeważającej większości robotnikami, uzbrojonymi, zorganizowanymi i kierowanymi przez podziemie robotnicze i socjalistycznej. Inspirował ich nie tylko żydowski i polski sentyment nacjonalistyczny, lecz klasowa solidarność i socjalistyczne przekonania, mając nadzieję że ich walka, prowadzona pod czerwoną flagą, pomogłaby pobudzić robotników w całej Polsce i Europie do rewolucyjnej walki klas. I nie była to „rewolta spontaniczna, wynikająca z rozpaczy”, jak chcieliby to przedstawiać komentatorzy burżuazyjnej prasy, lecz dobrze przygotowana, umiejętnie zaplanowana, zorganizowana akcja masowa.

22 lipca 1942 Gestapo zażądało by Judenrat (Rada Żydowska) dostarczała dziennie od 6 000 do 10 000 osób do deportacji na „wschód”, jak się okazało na masową egzekucję w specjalnie przygotowanych komorach gazowych czy seriami z karabinów maszynowych. Naziści oszukańczo puścili plotkę, że deportowani szli do obozów pracy i „nawet maszyneria żydowskiej policji pomocniczej została wykorzystana przez Niemców by szerzyć plotki o sprzyjających warunkach pracy jakie czekały na deportowanych.” („The Battle of Warsaw” S. Mendelsonha). Getto było samodzielnym, odizolowanym światem z własnym rządem, policją, strażakami i publicznymi agencjami zdrowotnymi.

Kampania eksterminacyjna została zainicjowana ponieważ „niemieckie władze,  zgodnie ze sprawozdaniem przedstawicieli polskiego rządu, liczyli się z możliwością zbrojnego oporu wtedy gdy jeszcze nadal w getcie warszawskim znajdowało się pół milina Żydów. Bały się tego (…)”

Kampania eksterminacyjna

W getcie wybuchł konflikt. Żydowskie przywództwo z klasy burżuazyjnych odradzało oporu, szerząc nadzieję że deportacje były tym co twierdzili naziści. Ale żydowskie podziemne organizacje robotnicze, zgodnie z oficjalnym raportem polskiego rządu na emigracji, „poprzez ulotki ostrzegały przed pułapką i wzywały przynajmniej do pasywnego oporu.”

Kampania eksterminacyjna szalała bez przeszkód. Do stycznia 1943 tylko między 40 000 a 45 000 z początkowo 400 000 Żydów pozostało przy życiu w getcie. Przez ten cały okres, mocarstwa alianckie i ich prasa rzadko komentowały bezprecedensową masową rzeź ludu żydowskiego.

Wtem nadeszły relacje o pierwszym oporze. W polskiej gazecie „Przez Walkę Do Zwycięstwa” 20 stycznia 1943 doniesiono: „Wyrażamy nasz podziw dla Jednostki Bojowej (żydowskiego robotniczego podziemia) która podczas ostatniej likwidacji stawiła czoła Gestapo z bronią w ręku. Wybuchła strzelanina i rozwinęła się w prawdziwą bitwę na ulicy Zamenhofa gdzie agenci Gestapo i niemiecka policja musiała uciec i do której powrócili dopiero z posiłkami. Żydzi bronili się granatami i rewolwerami. Dwadzieścia agentów Gestapo i policjantów jest martwych i znacznie więcej rannych.”

Na trzy miesiące naziści wstrzymali się z dokończeniem akcji likwidacyjnej. Żydowscy robotnicy Warszawy wykorzystali zwłokę by dalej się organizować dla oporu zbrojnego.

Nazistowski atak

Gdy, w połowie kwietnia 1943, Gestapo i nazistowska żandarmeria spróbowały wznowić akcję „deportacyjną”, ich rozkazy zgromadzenia się mieszkańców getta nie zostały wysłuchane. Hufce policji próbowały wejść do getta. „Jak odpowiedź z wyraźnie pustych domów nadleciały naboje i granaty ręczne. Dachy i poddasza zaczęły pluć ogniem i nieść śmierć niemieckiej policji. Strach dopadł pachołków Hitlera. Uciekli zmieszani.” („Polska”, 29 kwietnia 1943)

Z relacji oficjalnego przedstawiciela polskiego rządu na uchodźstwie dowiadujemy się że naziści rozpoczęli atak z „licznymi, ciężko uzbrojonymi oddziałami SS na wozach z karabinami maszynowymi i na czołgach.”

„Działania obrońców były perfekcyjnie skoordynowane”- mówi raport- „i bitwy toczyły się na praktycznie całym terytorium getta. Żydowski opór był znakomicie zaplanowany, tak że wbrew ogromnej przewadze w ludziach i materiale po stronie niemieckiej, osiągnięto dobre rezultaty. W pierwszych dniach walki Niemcy zostali srogo ukarani; setki z nich zostało zabitych a jeszcze więcej rannych. Kilkukrotnie musieli wycofywać się poza mury getta. W pierwszym tygodniu bitwa miała wszystkie charakterystyczne cechy zwyczajnych operacji wojskowych. Cały czas z getta rozlegał się hałas straszliwej kanonady.” Ta faza bitwy trwała przez tydzień.

Autentyczne relacje

Wtedy naziści skoncentrowali siły w poszczególnych punktach oporu likwidującej je powoli jeden za drugim z użyciem dynamitu, miotaczy ognia i bomb zapalających. Żydowscy robotnicy uciekli się do taktyk partyzancki, walcząc z piwnic, dachów, kanałów, wychodząc w nocy by atakować nazistowskie oddziały pod osłoną ciemności. „Płomienie w getcie nadal się rozprzestrzeniały. Pożary stawały się nie do zniesienia. Po sześciu dniach dalszej walki, gdy Niemcy zaczęli już używać samolotów, artylerii i czołgów, udało im się wedrzeć do północnej części getta(…) Do 28 kwietnia Niemcy rzucili w bj 6 000 ciężko uzbrojonych oddziałów. Liczba szacowanych martwych Niemców wynosi między 1 000 a 1 200. Żydzi stracili między 3 000 a 5 00.

Zgodnie z najbardziej autentycznymi relacjami, nazistowska okupacja getta warszawskiego nie została ukończona wcześniej niż przed 42 dniami po rozpoczęciu walk, i nawet miesiące później spotykali się z niespodziewanym oporem ze strony małych ukrytych grupek zakopanych w ruinach i piwnicach.

Przede wszystkim, koniecznym jest podkreślić robotniczy charakter oporu. Stalinowskie świnie i burżuazyjno-nacjonalistyczni i religijni przywódcy zaangażowani są w systematyczną kampanię fałszerstwa mającą przyćmić lub zaprzeczyć klasowej treści rewolty w getcie warszawskim. O ile udział wzięło parę elementów z klasy średniej, walczyły one z inspiracji, pod przewodnictwem, organizacją i przywództwem robotników.

„Robotnicy i inteligencja pracująca są sercem i duszą, pośród mas walczących Żydów którzy powstali z bronią w ręku przeciw nazistowskim okrucieństwom”- oświadcza apel Polskiego Ruchu Robotniczego wydany drugiego dnia rewolty. „Niemal wszystkie publikacje podziemne, jak i sprawozdania przedstawicieli rządowych, mówią o Żydowskiej Organizacji Bojowej jaka rozpoczęła i poprowadziła walkę (…) zarówno apel Polskiego Ruchu Robotniczego i pewne gazety wskazują na to, że organizacja składała się głównie z robotników, większość z nich młoda.” (S. Mendelsohn, „The Battle of the Warsaw Ghetto”.)

Podziemny manifest

Podziemny manifest z Polski, opublikowany przez Jednostki Bojowe, ogłasza: „Nasza działalność nadal umożliwi oszczędzić pewną liczbę ludzi (…) Żyjemy z pełną świadomością że jest naszym obowiązkiem dumnie kontynuować nasze dumne dziedzictwo walki socjalistycznej.” (PM, 18 kwietnia)

Ta walka trwa, zainspirowana przykładem żydowskich robotników Warszawy. W Łodzi, największym polskim ośrodku przemysłowym, 130 000 żydowskich robotników wszczęło strajk generalny, tymczasowo wstrzymując tam nazistowską eksterminację. Zbrojne rebelie rozgorzały we wszystkich obozach pracy. Opór zbrojny na pełną skalę przez miesiąc stawiali Żydzi z Białegostoku, gdzie 30 000 zginęło w walce i gdzie „straty niemieckie były ciężkie pomimo ciężkiego uzbrojenia, czołgów i miotaczy ognia rzuconych do walki.” (PM, 18 kwietnia)

Od momentu bitwy warszawskiej brytyjski rząd zamknął ostatnie drzwi azylu dla Żydów, Palestynę, podczas gdy amerykański Departament Stanu i Roosevelt wylewają krokodyle łzy leczb odmawiają schronienia Żydom na każdym terytorium Stanów Zjednoczonych. Roosevelt mógł tylko bełkotać wymijające stwierdzenia o „konieczności militarnej” i „powojennych” planach gdy go poproszono o to by interweniował u rządu brytyjskiego by raz jeszcze otworzył Palestynę dla żydowskich uchodźców. A na ziemi brytyjskiej, żydowscy żołnierze którzy stawili opór antysemickim atakom narzuconym im w siłach zbrojnych reakcyjnego polskiego reżimu na wygnaniu stają przed sądem wojskowym i otrzymują wyroki więzienia.

Powinno być teraz jasnym  dla Żydów na całym świecie, i wszystkich robotników, że kapitalistyczne „demokracje” nie ocalą Żydów przed faszystowskim barbarzyństwem. Jak pokazali żydowscy robotnicy Warszawy, tylko sami robotnicy w rewolucyjnej walce będą walczyć z faszyzmem na śmierć.

Wszelka chwała poległemu żydowskiemu robotnikowi, którzy pokazali robotnikom na całym świecie rewolucyjną drogę ku wolności i socjalistycznemu wyzwoleniu spod kapitalistycznej reakcji i faszyzmu. Gdy dziesiątki milionów powstaną na wzór bohaterskich 40 000 robotników-bojowników warszawskiego getta, siły nazizmu i kapitalizmu zostaną zmiecione jak plewy przez nieodpartą potęgę ich natarcia.

लीओन त्रौत्स्की का वसीयतनामा

लीओन त्रौत्स्की (1940)

लीओन त्रौत्स्की का वसीयतनामा

प्रेषक: https://www.marxists.org/hindi/trotsky/1940/testament.htm

मेरा उच्च रक्तचाप (जो कि बढ़ता जा रहा है) मेरी वास्तविक स्थिति के बारे में आस-पास के लोगों को भ्रम में डाले हुए है. मैं सक्रीय हूँ और काम करने में सक्षम हूँ परन्तु वास्तविक परिणाम निकट हैं. इन पंक्तियों को मेरे मरने के बाद सार्वजनिक किया जाएगा.

मुझे एक बार फिर से स्टालिन और उसके एजेंटों के मूर्ख और घृणित करतूतों की आलोचना करने की जरूरत नहीं है: मेरे क्रांतिकारी सम्मान पर कोई भी धब्बा नहीं लगा है. मैं, प्रत्यक्षतः या अप्रत्यक्षतः, कभी भी सर्वहारा वर्ग के शत्रुओं के साथ छिपे हुए समझौतों अथवा मोलभावों में शामिल नहीं हुआ. स्टालिन के हज़ारों विरोधी इसी प्रकार क झूठे आरोपों से पीड़ित हैं. नयी क्रांतिकारी पीढियां अपने राजनैतिक सम्मान को बरकार रखेंगी और क्रेमलिन के कातिलों से स्वेक्षानुसार निपटेंगी.

मैं उन सभी दोस्तों का आभार व्यक्त करता हूँ जो मेरी ज़िन्दगी के मुश्किल क्षणों में मुझे वफादार रहे. मैं विशेष रूप से किसी का नाम नहीं लूँगा क्योंकि मैं यहाँ उन सभी के नाम एक साथ नहीं गिना सकता.

तथापि, मैं अपनी सहचरी नतालिया इवानोवना सेडोवा के मामले में खुद को एक अपवाद पाता हूँ. समाजवाद के योद्धा होने की ख़ुशी के अतिरिक्त, मुझे नियति ने उसका पति होने की ख़ुशी बख्शी है. इन चालीस सालों के साथ के दौरान वो प्यार, उदारता और कोमलता का अथक स्त्रोत बनी रहीं. उन्होंने कई मुसीबतें झेलीं हैं, खासतौर पर हमारे जीवन के अंतिम दौर में. लेकिन मुझे इस बात से रहत मिलती है की वो ख़ुशी के दिनों को याद रखती हैं.

अपने सजग जीवन के तैंतालीस सालों तक मैं एक क्रांतिकारी की भूमिका निभाता रहा, उनमें से बयालीस साल मार्क्सवाद के झंडे टेल लड़ते हुए बीते हैं. यदि मुझे इन सब को एक बार फिर दोहरान पड़े तो बेशक मैं चंद गलतियाँ ठीक करने की कोशिश करूंगा लेकिन मेरी ज़िन्दगी की मुख्यधारा अपरिवर्तित रहेगी. मैं एक मार्क्सिस्ट, द्वंदात्मक भौतिकवादी, और इसके परिणामस्वरूप एक कट्टर नास्तिक के रूप में मरना चाहूँगा. मानवता के साम्यवादी भविष्य पर मेरा विशवास कहीं से भी कम उत्साहजनक नहीं है, बल्कि ये आज उससे भी ज्यादा मज़बूत है जितना की युवावस्था में था.

अभी-अभी नताशा आंगन से खिड़की तक आई हैं और उसे और अधिक खोल दिया है ताकि मेरे कमरे में हवा ज्यादा आसानी से प्रवेश क्र सके. मैं यहाँ से दीवार के नीचे घास के हरी पट्टी को, दीवार के ऊपर साफ़ नीले आसमान को, और सब तरफ फैले प्रकाश को देख सकती हूँ. उम्मीद करता हूँ भावी पीढ़ी इन सब पर से सभी तरह की बुराइयों, शोषण और हिंसा को साफ़ कर सके.

लीओन त्रौत्स्की
मेक्सिको, फरवरी 27, 1940

बाद में 3 मार्च 1940 को इसमें एक प्रतिलिपि जोड़ी गयी, जो की उनकी बीमारी की किसी भी गम्भीर अवस्था से जुड़ी हुयी है, इन पक्तियों के साथ के साथ खत्म होती हैं:

“… लेकिन मेरी मौत की जो भी परिस्थितियाँ हों, मैं साम्यवादी भविष्य पर अपने दृढ़ विश्वास के साथ मरूंगा. मनुष्य व मानव भविष्य के ऊपर यह विश्वास मुझे अभी भी ऐसी प्रतिरोधक क्षमता देता है जो किसी भी धर्म से नहीं मिल सकता.”

Testament of Leon Trotsky

Testament of Leon Trotsky

My high (and still rising) blood pressure is deceiving those near me about my actual condition. I am active and able to work but the outcome is evidently near. These lines will be made public after my death.

I have no need to refute here once again the stupid and vile slander of Stalin and his agents: there is not a single spot on my revolutionary honour. I have never entered, either directly or indirectly, into any behind-the-scenes agreements or even negotiations with the enemies of the working class. Thousands of Stalin’s opponents have fallen, victims of similar false accusations. The new revolutionary generations will rehabilitate their political honour and deal with the Kremlin executioners according to their deserts.

I thank warmly the friends who remained loyal to me through the most difficult hours of my life. I do not name anyone in particular because I cannot name them all.

However, I consider myself justified in making an exception in the case of my companion, Natalia Ivanovna Sedova. In addition to the happiness of being a fighter for the cause of socialism, fate has given me the happiness of being her husband. During the almost forty years of our life together she remained an inexhaustible source of love, magnanimity, and tenderness. She underwent great suffering, especially in the last period of our lives. But I find some comfort in the fact that she also knew days of happiness.

For forty-three years of my conscious life I have remained a revolutionist; for forty-two of them I have fought under the banner of Marxism. If I had to begin all over again I would of course try and avoid this or that mistake, but the main course of my life would remain unchanged. I shall die a proletarian revolutionist, a Marxist, a dialectical materialist, and, consequently, an irreconcilable atheist. My faith in the communist future of mankind is not less ardent, indeed it is firmer today, than it was in the days of my youth.

Natasha has just come up to the window from the courtyard and opened it wider so that the air may enter more freely into my room. I can see the bright green strip of grass beneath the wall, and the clear blue sky above the wall, and sunlight everywhere. Life is beautiful. Let the future generations cleanse it of all evil, oppression, and violence and enjoy it to the full.

Leon Trotsky.

Mexico
February 27th 1940

A coda was added later dated March 3rd 1940. Mainly dealing with what should happen should he be involved in a serious drawn out illness, it ends with the following words:

“… But whatever may be the circumstances of my death I shall die with unshaken faith in the communist future. This faith in man and in his future gives me even now such power of resistance as cannot be given by any religion.”

Copied from http://www.marxist.com/testament-of-leon-trotsky.htm

Socialism in One City

Milwaukee’s Brand of Socialism

Socialism in One City

by James Boulton

First printed in Fourth International, Vol.I No.7, December 1940. Copied from http://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/fi/vol01/no07/boulton.htm

We particularly recommend this 1940 Trotskyist polemic with US social democracy to supporters of groups historically associated with the late Ted Grant. To those familiar, the parallels in the politics critiqued are quite striking.

  

1. A Tenor Sings Socialism Away

The morning of April 3, 1940, broke dismally in the city of Milwaukee, heralding the defeat of Mayor Daniel W. Hoan and the return to capitalism. Dan, the Socialist mayor toward whom Norman Thomas could point with pride in every speech, the mayor whose treatise on City Government has now become a classic, who as City Attorney after the election of 1912 indicted and convicted hundreds of corrupt politicians and thereby ushered into office for over two decades the Milwaukee Socialist Party, its elected and appointed officials, and made the name of Milwaukee a star in international encyclopedias, the mayor, however, whose twenty-four years in office failed to produce any change in the life of Milwaukee’s proletariat.

When the final count came in, the beer parties in the wards were already ebbing and the golden haired thrush, Mayor-elect Carl Zeidler, had decreed the abolition of socialism. The major setback was not felt among the more “stupid” proletariat, but it did forebode ill among the many party Gifte Shoppe, butcher, book, and barber shop, tavern keeper, insurance salesman, and law suite members. Panic reigned in the City Hall and other municipal buildings; and in the offices of the stunned comrades of Norman Thomas there swelled a wave of defeatism that rolled right through the heart of the party convention which took place right afterward.

“What happened in Milwaukee?” was the paramount question put to delegates from the Cream City. Why had the workers cast their ballots for a tenor instead of for Dan?

When the initial delirium subsided, there still lingered a feeling of strength: Police Chief Kluchesky and “the Force” remained firmly entrenched in municipal power. All is not lost so long as comrade Police Chief Kluchesky remains at the head of the Force.

“Klooch,” as his comrades of the Socialist Party fondly call him, is expected to persist in waging the fight to liquidate the six mounted policemen, introduced by reactionaries to break the monotony of socialist civic life. Whole elections have been fought on this issue. The mounty funds, contend the Hoan men, could best be used in solving the problem of unemployment. Milwaukee Joe, when he is not busy “settling” strikes, will undoubtedly have something to say on this issue.

2. History and Achievements of Milwaukee Socialism

Pulling through the World War with very little to mar their record except the ride of Dan Hoan at the head of a Preparedness Day parade, the Milwaukee socialists continued on their march toward clean and efficient city government and a bigger and better convention city.

The first political boss of the Milwaukee local of the Socialist Party was Congressman Berger, who shared the job with Hoan until his death. Hoan now shares it with Andy Biemiller, Progressive caucus chairman in the assembly and author of the famous plea: “We must give aid to the Allies, our comrades!” Otto Hauser, ex-preacher and Hoan’s secretary to the Mayor, helps manage the dwindling machine, although he is mainly preoccupied with selling real estate.

“Old Vic” Berger merely bossed the party. Joe Kluchesky extended the practice of democracy against the general populace.

Frank Zeidler, State Secretary of the Socialist Party and a Sunday school teacher, readily concedes that nothing much was done in socializing the means of production. Nevertheless by the time Hoan retired to law practice in 1940, Milwaukee was the proud possessor of a socialized sewage disposal plant and many publicly owned streets.

Under the influence of comrade C.B. Whitnall, first elected in 1910 as City Treasurer, great strides were made in expanding the county parks; and today the Socialist county towers above the nation in quantity and quality of sweetheart’s rests.

In the course of this development Ernest Unterman, who reminds everyone that he is the Editor of the Fourth German Edition of Capital, was appointed Director of the Washington Park Zoo. Besides painting murals and collecting ostrich eggs, Unterman has also produced a work called Lenin’s Maggot.

In 1935, in a convention with eight other organizations, Milwaukee’s socialists gave birth to the Farmer-Labor Progressive Federation. The name was changed to Progressive Party Federation at the last convention when Comrade Hoan suggested that they should not give the impression of existing for farmers and workers alone. As a mass party the FLPF disappointed many. Some found it difficult to draw the line between the SP and the FLPF, the former usually meeting after the latter, often in the same hall or tavern as the case may be. A late comer was often heard questioning: “Is this the meeting of the SP or the FLPF?”

In all fairness to the party it must be added that much has been accomplished in placing 500 salaried election booth clerks, winning aldermanic, supervisory, and assemblymanic seats, appointing many tried and true men to various civic committees, administrative boards, and executive offices.

The achievements of the party culminated in the appointment of Joe Kluchesky and the completion of a really efficient police force, as the workers well may testify.

3. A Socialist Police Chief

Comrade Kluchesky is notable for his unique construing of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights and for his view that transients do not vote and consequently are of no value to a crime-free socialist city.

The Socialist Party spent $10,000 for Norman Thomas’ New Jersey fight in which he contended handbill ordinances were undemocratic. But in the stronghold of Norman Thomas socialism, not a cent was spent to fight against such a handbill ordinance. As a matter of fact the Milwaukee comrades appreciated the ordinance’s value in keeping socialist streets litter-free and were inclined to favor it; so that, when the US Supreme Court invalidated that type of ordinance, comrade Kluchesky dissented and proposed an alternative ordinance to prevent the littering of public streets. The Milwaukee Young People’s Socialist League, at the instigation of a group who subsequently became Trotskyists, issued a statement to the press, repudiating the Police Chief’s action. The culprits were admonished before the SP’s Executive Board by Ed Knappe, who stated plainly: “The point is you cannot attack public officials.”

Klooch demonstrated his socialist efficiency during the Allen-Bradley strike. A trade union leader and member of the Socialist Party testified before the Party’s County Central that, in a conference with himself, Klooch, and President Bradley of the struck corporation, Klooch said:

“If law and order are not preserved I will have to put the police at the disposal of Mr. Bradley.”

Another act for which Hoan’s appointee has been criticized by some people was, in reality, not as arbitrary as it may seem, but logically arose from the Kluchesky theory that people ought to at least vote if they would breath Cream City rarefied air. This act took place at the Catholic Worker Family House, a haven for underprivileged transients. On March 23, 1940, a police detail under orders from the Chief raided the house without warrant and arrested seventeen inmates, on charges, substantially, that they were non-voters, unemployed, transient, loiterers, and defiled by their presence the grand beauty of a fair city. During the raid some people were mishandled, insulted, questioned and searched in violation of constitutional rights which apply to transients as well as voters.

When this act was brought (by those who later became Trotskyites) to the attention of the Party County Central with the pointer that under capitalism there is a fundamental antagonism between police and workers, and when the naively. indignant complainant vainly pressed for action, an Executive Board member objected to the use of Marxist formulas and windbagging, suggesting ejection of the disrupter.

At present Comrade Kluchesky’s force is cooperating with the FBI in cataloguing Socialist Workers Party street corner speakers and Socialist Appeal salesmen, no doubt crushing Trotskyism before it breeds Stalinism.

Recently there was a solemn ceremony, when 260 party members received “diplomas” for membership in the party of twenty-five years or more. One of those, grown gray in the service, was Comrade Police Chief Joe Kluchesky.

Believe it or not, some of those old boys who hold those diplomas aren’t able to figure out why the party didn’t once more this year win the election!

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